Voter registration for the 2013 national and local elections ended last October 31, 2012. As usual—and despite a long-running exhortation against it from the Commission on Elections—last-minute registrants swamped the process, creating kilometer-long lines in some cities.

Of course, there is a major cultural reason for it. Many Filipinos tend to do things at the last possible minute—cramming for exams, seeing the doctor, rush Christmas shopping, and, yes, last-minute registering for elections. However, another factor can also be cited in the latter case. This is the operation of the hakot (or busing) system by seasoned politicians where they bring in busloads of registrants who may or may not really be new registrants but illegal multiple registrants.

The hakot system tends to pad the registration list and is the foundation for election cheating. Usually, it is done by bringing in registrants from outside the election jurisdiction and entering them into the municipal registration

The midterm elections traditionally are a preserve of the incumbent president. Conventional political wisdom says that the sitting president—using government resources and the power of his or her powerful position—decides, in many cases, the outcome of senatorial and local elections. The 2013 national, local, and ARMM elections are no different.

Of course, the 2007 national and local elections deviated from this conventional wisdom. Then President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was at the abyss of her popularity and the most of her endorsed senatorial candidates, including Miguel Zubiri, lost. Her endorsement then was seen as a kiss of death.

We have now an exactly opposite situation. President “Noynoy” Aquino enjoys stratospheric ratings in the surveys, with almost four out of five Filipinos satisfied with his performance in implementing his promised anti-corruption and anti-poverty reform agenda. He enters the 2013 election period with an unprecedented endorsement power.

His

The Commission on Elections recently came out with a series of decisions on the accreditation of party-list groups for the 2013 party-list elections. The results are mixed, with a whole bunch of disqualified groups—those already in Congress and also those new or losing 2010 candidates—elevating their cases to the Supreme Court.

People generally accepted the disqualification of party-list groups identified with the Arroyo administration who managed to sneak into the list by use of questionable criteria. They also appreciated the removal of party-list groups obviously organized by political dynasties and that have nominees from dynasty members. Further, they viewed as fair the setting aside of party-list groups—incumbent, losing, or new applicant—who do not have marginalized or underrepresented sectors to represent.

However, there are apparent lapses in the Comelec decisions with several party-list groups who have a long record of supporting or even struggling for the interests of the

Graphic fact file on the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), in a new peace deal the Philippines government after decades of conflict that has claimed about 150,000 lives

The Philippine Government (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) reached a preliminary, yet significant, “framework agreement” to achieve permanent peace between them. As a framework, it is a complete roadmap towards a settlement. However, the devil will be in the details, particularly in areas of power-sharing and wealth-sharing.

On the one hand, the basic points of the “framework agreement” point to the acceptance of the MILF of the constitutional autonomy framework and the discarding of their previous assertion of independence. On the other hand, these preserve, to a certain extent, Moro self-rule, and had the government accepting the broadest leeway within the boundaries of the autonomy principle.

One example of the bending backward of the government is the allowing of a distinct police force, albeit under the supervision and command of the Philippine National Police. Another is the agreement on the establishment of the Sharia courts within the new

The 2013 local elections will have two priests running for governorship of two provinces. Not only do these events indicate a trend but these reflect the seriousness of the problems of traditional politics in the Philippines.

Fr. Eduardo “Among Ed” Panlilio will run for re-election for the post of Pampanga governor while Fr. Leo Casas will run for the first time for the post of Masbate governor. Both were executive director of the social action centers of their respective dioceses. From this vantage point, they observed the corruption, political violence, and subversion of the people’s will by the traditional elite who—as they consolidate power—developed the political dynasties that today dominate much of our political landscape.

In time, the lesson sinks in. The political elite will not relinquish the power or allow meaningful participation of ordinary citizens in governance. They would prevent the emergence of leaders from below or coopted them into the traditional political system.

The filing of candidacy for all elective posts in the 2013 starts on October 1 and ends October 5.  By all indications, most positions will be contested by candidates of parties identified with President Aquino. Only a pitifully few from the erstwhile powerhouse coalition party that is the Lakas-Kampi will run under its banner.

The grand story about the coming elections is how President Aquino dominates it. Though it is the usual phenomenon of a midterm elections for a sitting president to have a strong influence over its conduct, the 2013 elections goes beyond mere influence and approaches the realm of compulsion. The current political situation can be labelled as Pax Aquino.

To go against the president at this point for a candidate is political suicide, when Aquino enjoys the support of nearly four out of five Filipinos in the surveys. Thus we have an unprecedented situation of both sides in the electoral contest in many places—whatever party a candidate maybe affiliated

The high-profile spats involving Senator Antonio Trillanes IV against Foreign Affairs Secretary Albert F. Del Rosario and Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile amuse, even titillate, the public. It seems like a normal (by Philippine standards) election campaign controversy except for the fact that the subject matter they argue about concerns sensitive foreign relations, particularly with the China and USD governments.

It is unfortunate that the China issue has been dragged into a manifestly political, or even personal, catfight. There are, I think two intertwined issues here from the point of view of substantive policy.

The first issue is the question of handling the Panatag shoal issue, which has implications on how the Philippine government handles its whole relations with China. There is a divergence of views here among the Philippine leadership with one school of thought—represented by Foreign Secretary De Rosario—arguing for closer ties with the United States to offset China’s

The various appointments done recently by President Aquino provide an interesting take on the theme of his administration—the “Daang Matuwid” or Straight Path. The latter, of course, refer to his anti-corruption campaign or honesty in government.

The “deep” appointment of Associate Justice Ma. Lourdes Sereno to the post of Chief Justice of the Supreme Court is a bold leap into an uncharted territory. Her appointment by President Aquino catapulted a young, relatively inexperienced, but brilliant, woman jurist into the highest position in the judiciary, and into the history books.

On the other end, DOTC Secretary Manuel “Mar” Araneta Roxas II was appointed by President Aquino to the position of the Secretary of the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) vacated by the recent death of DILG Secretary Jesse Manalastas Robredo. His appointment was expected as the Liberal Party gears up for the 2013 elections.

In Roxas’ place, another young, relatively unknown, but brilliant,