Taipei (The China Post/ANN) - Members of the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) promised to reflect on their presidential candidate's loss after the Lunar New Year and this process is already unfolding. In the weeks prior to the January 14 combined presidential and legislative elections, several major local business leaders came out in favour of what's been termed the "1992 Consensus". While most of these business tycoons were careful not to directly endorse President Ma Ying-jeou for re-election, the fact that the opposition DPP candidate had officially rejected the consensus meant that the business leaders' acceptance of it served as a tacit endorsement of the incumbent president who went on to win re-election.
During the campaign, main opposition candidate Tsai Ing-wen of the DPP said she did not accept the "1992 Consensus" and instead called for something she termed a "Taiwan Consensus". Tsai, however, failed to clarify what exactly she meant by her proposal. Many voters, even some who perhaps generally lean closer to a more "nativist" Taiwanese identity, were unable to cast their vote for Tsai as they feared the ramifications of any backsliding in relations with China.
Regardless of whether the "1992 Consensus" was an official government policy or whether it was, as some claim, invented by a former KMT legislator, the facts on the ground are these: the "1992 Consensus" is the bedrock on which the current detente with the People's Republic of China was formed and the majority of Taiwan's people do not wish to see these improved ties evaporate. Despite its controversial origins, the "1992 Consensus" is now the status quo.
More than one political commentator - including a DPP legislator - has noted that Tsai strayed curiously close to accepting the "1992 Consensus" when she commented over National Day celebrations last year that, "the Republic of China is Taiwan and Taiwan is the Republic of China". If Taiwan is the Republic of China, then the wording of the "1992 Consensus" shouldn't be all that problematic to accept; namely that "there is one China, but both sides are free to interpret what that means." With a little ideological flexibility, Tsai might have said she accepted the consensus, but her interpretation of "one China" means there is currently one China - the Republic of China, which is Taiwan - but that any changes in Taiwan's status can and will be decided democratically and only by the people of Taiwan.
The authorities in Beijing seem to have generally accepted that bringing Taiwan under its rule is not going to occur in the immediate future. China has demonstrated a willingness to accept a certain ambiguity with regard to Taiwan's status and the DPP may need to learn some strategic ambiguity as well.
By accepting the "1992 Consensus" and then reinterpreting it to suit their political bent, the DPP can make everyone happy with few or no changes to its core identity or ideology. The DPP could even be a party with a charter that officially calls for a vote on independence at some point in the future while at the same time accepting the "1992 Consensus" as the "current modus operandi." If the opposition is not willing to do this then they must at least come up with a clear explanation for their proposed "Taiwan Consensus."
Perhaps the DPP should stick to pushing for a referendum on the "1992 Consensus", which if approved by a majority of Taiwanese voters, would therefore become the "Taiwan Consensus." Considering that a majority of voters chose to re-elect the president - who made his support of the "1992 Consensus" quite clear going into the election campaign - the ruling Kuomintang may want to consider supporting such a referendum on the consensus which could very well pass. A referendum might be seen as risky, but a solid "yes" vote on the "1992 Consensus" would solidify it as the status quo and the will of the people, reassure China and possibly help both sides move toward greater trust-building measures.
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